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The Manobo Tribe Then and Now:An
Ethnography
Abraham L. Masendo
Index Terms— Manobo tribe,Then, Now, Ethnography
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HE Philippine Constitution of 1987, Chapter 1, section 2, mentioned that the state shall recognize, respect and pro- tect the rights of the indigenous people and to preserve
and develop their cultures, traditions and institution. In Re- public Act (RA) 8371, known as Indigenous Peoples Rights Act, defined indigenous people as a group of homogenous society, who have continuously lived as an organized com- munity on communally bounded and possessed land used as their abode, sharing common bonds of language, customs, culture, traditions and indigenous religions, become historical- ly differentiated from the rest of the Filipinos. Annaya (2004) added, they are the living descendants of pre-invasion inhab- itants of lands now dominated by others; they are culturally distinct groups that find themselves engulfed by other settler who encroached their lands.
Report from United Nation Educational, Social and
Cultural Organization (UNESCO, 2001), also mentioned that many rights of our indigenous people have been disregarded and there is a difference between indigenous group and the general population exist. Thus, played a major factor contrib- uting to social marginalization, poverty and dispossession of indigenous people.
As supported by Dean (2003), while the human rights
of the indigenous people are continued to be neglected, these
include cultural and linguistic preservation, autonomy, envi-
ronmental degradation, incursion and discrimination. Fur-
thermore, the interaction of indigenous and non-indigenous
societies throughout the history has been complex, ranging from outright conflict and subjugation of mutual benefit and cultural transfer.
In the article published by Indian Ancestry (April 14,
2014), it was mentioned that many of the indigenous people,
their language and culture face a questionable future. The rela- tively rapid decline in language diversity parallels the decline in cultural diversity. These changes are due in part to the product of both historical relationships, global economic de-
velopment as well as cultural beliefs that rationalize or justify actions that have served certain cultures at the cost of others.
As supported by Niezen (2003), that globalization re- locates indigenous people, deny indigenous knowledge, elim- inate indigenous languages, impose a gray uniformity on all of humanity, stifling and suppressing the creative cultural ener- gies of those who are most knowledgeable and prescient about the forces of nature.
Nakashima (2000) explained that the indigenous
knowledge that is passed from generation, usually by word of
mouth and cultural rituals and has been the basis for agricul-
ture, food preparation, health care, education, conservation, and the wide range of other activities that sustain the societies in many part of the world. Today, there is a grave risk that much of the indigenous knowledge is being lost, along with it, valuable knowledge about ways of living sustainably.
Wieesner (2011) opined that indigenous peoples have rich and ancient cultures, view their social, economic, envi- ronmental and spiritual systems as interdependent. Against all odds, the indignities of colonization and the lures of mod- ern society, indigenous people have survived as communities with a strong felt, time-honoured identity. Their claims and aspirations are diverse, but their common ground is a quest and claim for the preservation and flourishing of their endan- gered culture, their language which are inextricably and often spiritually tied to their ancestral lands.
Lutz (2014) mentioned that the indigenous people
who want to be recognized for who they are as distinct groups with their own unique cultures. They want to enjoy and pass on to their children their histories, languages, traditions, modes of internal governance, spiritual practices, and all else that makes them who they are. They want to be able to pray on their ancestral lands and live without interference from other people.
The Higher Education Act of 1994 mandating the
Commission on Higher Education to undertake the task of
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ensuring and protecting the historical and cultural heritage of Filipinos, yet there is still a dearth of such endeavour as evi- dence of the lack of initiatives undertaken by different agen- cies both local and national.
The study of Tenio (2003) revealed that the B’laan people do not expect to live continuously with their culture and traditions for they have thoughts that later generation will be acculturated by the posing migrants encroaching to their embodiments. However, they want it to be documented and codified for preservation.
Again in 1987 Constitution of the Philippines Article
XIV Section 2. reiterated the recognition, respect and protec- tion of the rights of indigenous people to preserve their cul- tures, traditions and institutions. This is a mandate of preser- vation of the rich culture of our indigenous people to which in latter days will erode and vanished in the flows of time.
Opena (2011), suggested that the compilation of tribal historical information and the draft of manuscripts can be used by tribal members in the future. The government is now trying to mainstream even the educational system of indige- nous people in order for them to live normally and integrate socially with the other Filipino people. In 2007, a conference of Asia indigenous People’s Pact (AIPP) held in Pokhara, Nepal, recommended that customary laws of indigenous people in Asia should be formalized and documented for preservation.
DepEd Order Number 62, s.2011 known as National
Indigenous Peoples Educational Framework, section 15.c. stat-
ed that documentation and research activities by Indigenous People (IP) on their own history, knowledge, practices and other aspects of cultural heritage shall be encouraged and supported by DepEd as means of enriching the learning re- sources available to IP communities and the educational sys- tem at large. The DepEd shall uphold the protection of the intellectual property rights of IPs in pursuing this policy.
I have read several studies dealing on ethno qualita-
tive research, yet, I was not able to come across a study such
as what I am conducting. Also, the Tourism Council of Munic-
ipality of Loreto, Agusan del Sur has a scarcity of data related to this investigation, thus, the need to conduct.
The purpose of this study was to describe, recognize, rec- ord and preserve the beliefs and practices of Agusan Manobo tribe from the viewpoints of the participants of the past and present generations. The intent was also to gain insight if the practices of Agusan Manobo tribe before can also be seen to- day as practiced by the members. It also tried to understand the strategies and ways used by them so that they can pass on their culture to the next generation, and also to determine what are the hopes and aspirations of the tribe.
As a coordinator of the Learning Resource Materials De-
velopment System (LRMDS), the information that will be de- rived from this study are useful guide in making learning ma- terials to be used by the teachers who are teaching in the new- ly established schools in the different Indigenous People (IP) Communities in the province particularly for Agusan Manobo tribe as dominant indigenous group of Agusan del Sur. As the
division in-charge of the district where the place of study is located I felt proud of being part of their community especial- ly in the lives of their children.
As a school administrator in our division and as an educa- tor, the results of the study will help us devise plans and strat- egies to further the implementation of program and projects in our department across all schools and the Indigenous People are part of it which constitute 52 % of our students in the whole division, without prejudices to their culture, but that conform, preserve and protect their beliefs and practices. As an educator, I am with the cause that no child is left behind, for education is not only for the selected race but for all Filipi- nos regardless of colour and origin that includes the children of Agusan Manobo people.
1. What were the practices of Agusan Manobo tribe in the past and in the present?
2. What strategies do Agusan Manobo tribe used to preserve their culture?
3. What are the hopes and aspirations of Agusan Manobo tribe?
According to Barndahard (2008), though the culture of In- digenous people undergone major upheavals, many of the core values, beliefs and practices have survived and are be- ginning to be recognized as having an adaptive integrity that is as valid for today’s generation as it was for generations past.
The findings of the study are hoped to benefit the follow- ing people for they are the direct beneficiaries. Administrators of the National Commission for Indigenous People (NCIP), the study may encourage designing a program for the preserva- tion, protection, conservation of the culture, beliefs and prac- tices and for the designing of community improvement plan with the tribal leaders of the community. The Administrators of the Tourism Industry, the result of the study will contribute primarily to the documentation and understanding of the cul- ture of Manobo that may initiate eco-tourism programs or any possible projects that may alleviate the lives of the tribe. Other recipients to this study are the DepEd Administrators; they can use the result of the study for the program and projects that they will implement to their respective schools for the indigenous people especially the Manobo tribe. The data may challenge school administrators to design programs for the efficient discharge of their functions, in developing and put- ting into effective measures of all kinds for the protection, con- servation and preservation of the country’s cultural heritage. The Local Government Officials, as part of their municipality, It will bear in mind among the residents that they consist of varied cultures that they can be proud of. They can integrate the results of this study in their plans especially in improving the economic lives of the community.
For the teachers, the data from this research may encour-
age them to undertake educational campaigns to arouse wide-
spread public interest and respect the rights, cultures, practic-
es of our indigenous people particularly their children in school. The Agusanon as a whole, migrants and natives in the
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province can take pride that their culture stands in the test of time. Although they have thoughts that come a time their practices and beliefs will be forgotten in the coming genera- tions hence, they will be documented for them to be remem- bered, the unique culture handed down by their forefathers. Most and foremost the Manobo people, they can take pride of their culture and take stand to preserve and value it.
The following terms are defined as used.
in the Province of Agusan del Sur. They are also called Agu- san Manobo. They speak in minanuvu languages, De leon (2006).
the present time.
vide in-depth description of everyday life and practice that
includes cultures, routines and beliefs of group of people liv-
ing in a certain community, Hoey (2013).
The study was limited to the group of Agusan Manobo tribe within and surrounding Sitio Kapda, Barangay Sabud, Municipality of Loreto, Agusan del Sur. Although the Manobo natives are extended to other parts of the municipality and province, I chose this community for it is perceived that the culture, beliefs and practices of Manobo culture are still rich, intact and somehow not yet acculturated by migrants. It is also recommended by the Local Government Unit of Loreto. Ac- cording to them, they are the group of people who exhibited a rare, beautiful, unique and distinct culture of man worthy for cultural admiration. The main sources of the data gathered in this study were the interviews, focused group discussion and observations made by the researcher during the immersion. The actual performance of the rituals were not recorded in this study nor any picture of relics for they believed that it were only for them. The interview and focused group discussion were limited to the elders and datus of the tribe for they are perceived to possess the traditional knowledge and leader- ship. Observation is made to the members of the tribe.
Manobo tribe is one of the populous indigenous group of people in the island of Mindanao, Philippines and that in- cludes the Agusan Manobo tribe in the province of Agusan del
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Sur, Cembrano (2013). Moreover, the areas inhabited by manobos covers from the Pantaron Mountain Range of Bukid- non and Davao del Norte provinces to the west and to the east is the Diwata Mountain Range. At the heart is the great Agu- san River. It runs from the south at the Municipality of Sta. Josefa and winding to the north going to Butuan City to the mouth of Butuan Bay.
Furthermore, the aborigines of Agusan were the ancestors
of the present-day Mamanwas who were driven to the hinter-
lands by the waves of Malay immigrants from nearby Borneo,
Celebes and Malaysia. The Province of Agusan del Sur has
five groups of Indigenous people, the Aeta, Mamanwa, Bago- bo, Banwaon, and Agusan Manobo. Among the five existing tribes in the province, only Agusan Manobo, Banwaon and Higaonon tribes are distinctly identified since they live along the National Highway and river towns going to Davao del Norte while others live in the town of Esperanza towards the boundaries of Misamis Oriental, Surigao and Bukidnon.
The same author said, archeological research found out that in Maug, Prosperidad, at the eastern part of Agusan val- ley, points to the emergence of the Paleolithic period. Moreo- ver a linguistic reconstruction study revealed that the proto- Manobo language was spoken in the northeastern Mindanao about 500 AD or 1,500 years ago.
On the other hand, the monobos have their own dialect,
which is a mixture of a native dialect and an acquired foreign
language. The Agusan Manobo call their language Minanubu, and is one of the Manobo languages that still have a large number of speakers. It has four dialects: Umayam, Adgawan, Surigao, and Omayamnon. The name Manobo, according to De leon ( 2006), is influenced by the Malay River People. These people are called Mansuba, from the word Mansuba, the malayan term for river. Therefore, Mansuba literally means people living near or in the river (most of them live on floating houses). Later on, Mansuba is shortened to Manuba, which eventually took its masculine gender which is Manobo.
According to Jushua Project (2014), the most common life- style of the Manobo is that of rural agriculture. Unfortunately, their farming methods are very primitive. Some of the farm- ers have incorporated ploughing techniques, while others have continued to use the "slash-and-burn" method. Other Manobo living in other areas of the province use a farming system called kaingin. This is a procedure in which fields are allowed to remain fallow for certain periods of time so that areas of cultivation may be shifted from place to place. More- over, social life for the Manobo is patriarchal (male- dominated). The head of the family is the husband.
Moreover, polygyny (having more than one wife at a time) is common and is allowed according to a man's wealth. However, among the other group of Manobo, most marriages are monogamous. The only exception is that of the powerful datus (headmen). The political structures of the Manobo groups are all quite similar. A ruler, called a datu, is the head of the group. Beneath him are the royal and non-royal classes. Only those people belonging to the royal classes can aspire to the throne. Those belonging to the non-royal classes are under
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the power and authority of the royal classes. Each class is in- terdependent on the others. The political aspects of life are often integrated with the social aspects. For example, many social events, such as weddings, require political leaders. Whenever there is a negotiation for marriage, both the bride and the groom must use the local datu (headman) to make all of the arrangements.
Furthermore, the religious beliefs of the Manobo revolve
around the concept of many unseen spirits interfering in the
lives of humans. They believe that these spirits can intrude on
human activities to accomplish their desires. The spirits are
also believed to have human characteristics. They are both good and evil in nature and can be evoked to both anger and pleasure. While the religious practices of the Manobo vary slightly, there seems to be at least one common thread linking them together. Each culture believes in one "great spirit." This "great spirit" is usually viewed as the creator figure. As the various Manobo groups have been separated, the religious beliefs of other peoples have influenced them somewhat. However, the Manobo have often incorporated these new practices into their belief system, rather than abandoning their practices and being converted to new religions.
The initiation of rituals involve separating neophytes (ini- tiates) from everyday social life and forcing them to pass a luminal state in which the boundary of the human social world seems to blur. The ritual communication is established between human beings and non- human beings such as spirits, divinities, and the spiritual owners of natural species, subjec- tivities that inhabits animal bodies and plants and so on all that is endowed with different capacities, (Sztutman, 2008).
Furthermore, humans know that much of what they pos- sess- what we call culture- was not merely invented by them
but taken during mythic times, from other species not seen since distant past. To celebrate, an intense network of repay- ments above all of food and drink but also on some occasion’s songs and artefacts is set in motion. Supported by Cole (2013), rituals are a means of praying to the Great Spirit and sacrific- ing oneself while retaining a direct contact with the tree of life.
In the study conducted by Buenconsejo (2005), the Mano-
bos believed in the myth that Spirit interacts with human be-
ings. Manobo’s belief in these beings perpetuates the idea that
the cosmos where the human being lives is a place where they
survive because human beings share and exchange gifts, not
only with spirits but among themselves. The Manobo’s distin- guished between diwata, witches and the disembodied souls of deceased humans (umayad). They maintain these funda- mental categorical distinctions between supernatural beings. In fact the action of the spirits conceptually separate from anti- social sorcery (kumetan), spirit mediums can only heal illness caused by a member of a class of spiritual beings, compatible to human interventions, while victims of sorcery must be treated with other methods involving magical substances and talisman.
Moreover, there are several classes of spirits being recog- nized by manobos based on their relationship to human com- munities. The three main categories are unsocial (indifferent to the world of humans), “bounded” (tawaganen) and “un-
bounded ( baylan) spirits are further subdivided into dozens of subtype based on appearances, behaviour, associated natu- ral features and other factors. Bounded spirits are generally attached to particular sites in the environment while un- bounded are spirits capable of becoming spirits familiars, di- wata most likely to take an active role of human affairs.
In addition, Manobos divination and healing involved spirit mediums, musical performances and usually the sacri- fice of domestically pigs or chickens. These rituals are de- signed to solicit benevolent pity from spirits by offering them songs, drum and gong music, consumable substances (betel nuts, tobacco, and foodstuff) and burnt sacrificial gifts (sinug- bahan). Some of the rituals that Manobo performed are inajew (a spirit possession healing ceremony), tukey (incantation rite) and hihinang ( a hybrid commemorative ritual involving the use of visayan language and western style table).
In the study conducted by Cembrano (2013) among the Manobo of Northeastern Mindanao, one of the rituals called of pamaliskad (ordination) of the datu is done by taking all the heirlooms like sword, spear, bronze bracelet and baylan’s skirt and placed in the altar called buggusan or angkuw. The deities are believed to come down, laden with boiled boar head and tail, a cluster of betel nuts, a spray of palm betel flowers, sugar cane, taro plant and a chicken. The drum and gong are beaten to summon the spirits. The installing datu summons also the spirit of the earth. The invited leaders do the same calling the spirits of their clans. During the trance, the baylan and the chieftain express the wishes of their ances- tors and the Mambabaja. The new datu is bestowed with a timuso ( bronze bracelet). He must wear also the sinugbahan ( heirloom) to protect them from any harm and as a symbol of leadership. The sacred sword is also handed down to the in- coming datu. The ceremony is believed to ward off evil spirits. The datu elevated to a high position is entrusted with tangkuyo (headcarp) of the ancestor leader. The symbol of wisdom and power is decorated with boar and horse hair, crocodile teeth. The tamed chief spirit and turban can warn him of any danger and protect him from any harm.
According to the study conducted by Tomaquin (2013),
among the Tambajon or baylan of Manobo-Mamanwas of Su-
rigao province, they are believed to be charmers and an
herbalist. It is thought that they have several charms. It is a
popular belief among the Bisaya/lowlanders population that
they are endowed by the power of barang, a curse or simply a form of sorcery. The Mamanwas generally are peace loving. They are unassuming and tend to settle their conflict peaceful- ly. The Tambajon/Baylan, in some extent is a peacemaker, if the Datu seeks his services. Tambajon/baylan is an institution of Mamanwa society. It holds the community and provides its solid framework of the society. He is a protector of their indig- enous religion. As a herbalist, his knowledge of indigenous/ traditional medicine is exemplary including the knowledge in treating or curing snakebites. The Tambajon then is a healer-- religious expert. He is an intermediary between the Diwatas and the settlement. The Tambajon/baylan becomes through his own effort or through a visionary experience. He is an ex- pert of the indigenous prayer, (Tud-om), the Mamanwa sham-
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an, whose influence of culture is noticeable. He is highly re- spected in his spirituality as intermediary to the temporal world to the Paradise (Katahawan). The Tambajon/Baylancan directly receive communication from Tahaw, as the Maman- was believed. He is the most sincere person in the village for he led the Kahimonan with deep respect to Tahaw. He is ex- pert in the Mamanwa oral tradition and is endowed with wis- dom of the Tud-om and the code of religious vow of the Tam- balons or the Binaylans.
Moreover, of the same author, another religious ceremony of Manobo-Mamanwas is the pagsangkalanlan. When some-
body is sick in the village, it is believed that it is brought by Habang, thus be treated in the ceremony. For several weeks the Mamanwas gather salted meat of wild pigs (usually un- cooked). They are going to store up it in bamboo internodes. They are going to combine it with starch from a lumbia tree. Then they will cook it. While cooking, they will dance around the preparation and should become strident. The ritual dance is called binangazozo. After they were done dancing, they will get a tungkayan, a wood or stick used in beating the gimbar (drum made of the skin of iguana). After that the baylan/sarok guided the communal prayer, the banquet and merriment will go on followed by eating accompanied by drumming the gimbar. The spirit that gives sickness will be cast out in the ceremony.
Another practice by Manobo-Mamanwas is the ceremony of hunting aimed at inviting Tama, the diwata of the forest. If
Tama is pleased, he will release wild pigs and deers. The belief that Tama as the Anito in-charge or herder of hunting animals is clearly noticeable. In the ceremony, the sa- rok/sukdan/baylan is assisted by female tambajon. The main Tambajon followed by the minor one first performs the spir- itual dance (Katahawan). After they are done, the rest of the participants will join. A single gimbar/drum is the only in- strument used is the ceremony. It is expected that after the dance, request are made to the gods, the main sukdan/baylan trembles or in the state of trance. He should be brought to the constructed altar with a boar. After the main sukdanis done with his prayers, and the minor Tambajon finishes his/her dance, the main sukdan/baylan will get a spear and pierces or kills the boar. After which prayers of wish and supplica- tions/petitions are offered to supreme god Tahaw. Then, the blood of the boar is scattered to the ground. The community will bring young coconut leaves for the blessing of the main baylan afterwards. The members of the community will pass by in the constructed altar to be cured of possible illness. Af- terwards, they will butcher the pig, cook it and then the whole community will share with it.
The same author, another related ceremony offered to Tama is releasing a hen in the forest. The ritual is performed in order for hunting/game to be successful. And for Tama to release iguana, deer, and pigs in the forest. In this ceremony the blood of the wild pig was scattered/sprinkled in the speci- fied area in the Kaingin, for Tama to hear the wishes of the tribe.
Untouched by the influences of Spanish colonialism, the
Ifugao has also a unique culture. They value kinship, family
ties, religious and cultural beliefs, according to Barton (2007). They're unique among all ethnic groups in the mountain prov- ince, not only for their interesting customs and traditions but also for their narrative literature such as the hudhud, an epic dealing with hero ancestors sung in a poetic manner. Moreo- ver, another feature unique to the Ifugao is their woodcarving art, most notably the carved granary guardians bului and the prestige bench of the upper class, the hagabi. Their textiles renowned also for their sheer beauty, colorful blankets and clothing woven on looms. Houses were well-built, character- ized by as a square with wooden floors, windowless walls, and pyramidal thatch roofs. Elevated from the ground by four sturdy tree trunks, they feature removable staircases that were hoisted up at night to prevent entry by enemies and/or wild animals. Lastly, their attire remain traditional for male Ifu- gaos, donning the wanno or g-string; there are six types of wanno which are used depending on the occasion or the man's social status. Ifugao women, on the contrary, wear tapis, a wraparound skirt; there are five kinds of skirts worn, depend- ing on the occasion and/or status of the woman/girl.
On the other hand, another beautiful practice of one of the tribes of the Cordillera Mountain, the Bontoc or Igorot, has
wedding rituals that usually spans several days, as document- ed by Bigornia (2011). It starts with the delivery of the faratong (black beans) from the girl to the bachelor signifying the bride’s intentions to marry. Afterwards, the bride’s family sends out what is known as the khakhu (salted pork) to the groom’s family. This is countered by the sending of sapa (glu- tinous rice). These food items are distributed to their respec- tive family members, including their relatives. An important rite called insukatan nanmakan (exchange of food) follows. Here, one of the groom’s parents, after receiving an invitation, must go to the bride’s house and have breakfast with them. Later, the groom’s parents also invite a bride’s parent for a similar meal. The next step is the farey. The bride and a kaulog (girlfriend) will visit the house of the groom. This is when they
‘start entering each other’s houses’. They will have to leave
immediately also, but they will be invited again on the follow- ing morning for breakfast. This is the start of the tongor (to align).
The next day, the bride’s parents, bearing rice and salted meat, will go to the groom’s house for the kamat (to sew tight). A kaulug of the bride and the groom’s best friend is
likewise invited. The evening will be the start of the karangor the main marriage ritual. This is when the bride and groom are finally declared as a couple to the whole community. The following morning is the putut(to half). Here, only the imme- diate relatives are invited for breakfast, signifying the end of the ritual. Two days after the putut, the couple can finally live as husband and wife, but may not sleep together for the next five days, known as the atufang period.
The atufang serves to validate the marriage. The groom is instructed to bathe in a spring, taking note of every detail that
comes his way, such as the characters he meets, weather changes, among others. Should anything peculiar occur, he must make his way to the mountain to cut some wood. The bride, on the other hand, is sent off to weed in the fields. Any
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untoward incidents serve as warnings that the new couple must postpone their living together or mangmang. The final stage of the atufang involves covering smoldering charcoals with rice husks overnight. The marriage is considered null and void if the fire goes out the morning after. The final step is the man manok where the bride’s parents invite the groom and his parents and declare that the groom could officially sleep with the bride. This signifies the end of the marriage ritual for most Igorots. An optional lopis (a bigger marriage feast) could be done should the couple’s finances allow.
Another practice that supports this study is the burial not-
ed in the Province of Davao. In the past centuries one of the tribes in Mindanao, the Manobos living in the hinterland of Davao Provinces, has practices in burying their dead. Accord- ing to Administrative Office of Davao Sur Province (2003), the dead were either laid on a platform built beside a tree, or wrapped in a mat and bamboo slats and hung up a tree. After the funeral, the relatives of the deceased abandon their dwell- ings and clearing. Manuel (2003), said that in the 20th century, as the United States colonial government introduced the abaca plantation system, the Manobos abandoned the practice of “tree burial” and shifted to burying their dead under their houses. He said with the new burial practice, the Manobos no longer abandoned their dwellings and continued with the cul- tivation of their clearings. Wakes among the Ata-Manobos, the tribe occupying the forest areas straddling parts of Davao City and the towns of Talaingod and Kapalong in Davao del Norte, are the only occasion where antuk (riddles) are taught by the elders to the young people. Industan (2005), narrated, that the tribe believes that teaching antuks in occasions other than the wake would lead to misfortunes or bring bad luck to the entire community. In an Ata-Manobo wake, a widowed husband usually lies beside his deceased wife while relatives and friends sit around them. Some pass the time telling the riddles while others chant. During the wake chanting (uwahingan), singing, dancing, playing instruments (tagungguan) are con- ducted to alleviate the pervading grief.
Moreover, another belief in the spirit world of the T’boli natives, one of Mindanao’s most colorful tribes living around Lake Sebu, a person is believed to be a “composite of body and spirit,” as noted by an ethnography. The T’boli believes that the spirit leaves the body when it is asleep and returns to awake it. Death happens when the spirit leaves the body per- manently, or is taken away by an evil spirit called busao. The body is laid on a boat-shaped wooden coffin tightly sealed with a tree resin to prevent the odor of the decomposition pro- cess. A T’boli wake may last from a week to five months but if the dead is highly respected by the community, his or her wake may last for a year. At the end of the wake, the wooden coffin will be placed over a fire but the fluid that oozes through the burning wood is collected and used as sauce for their sweet potato meals. In this manner, they believe the de- sirable qualities of the deceased will pass on to them. It is also noted that T’bolis have no specific burial ground so they bury the dead anywhere. But the interment is done only at night and that after the burial, the community partakes of a feast and leaves portions of the food in the grave. After the feast,
the dead’s possessions are destroyed. After the burial, the mourners perform rituals to cleanse and rid themselves of evil spirits. The mourners jump over two swords fixed on the ground and later purify themselves in the river or any body of water.
Timoquin (2013) reported, the Dakula or Datu has a direct authority in maintaining peace in the village. He is assisted by the elders (Malaaser) and his advisers, the Baylan/Tambajon. He is obliged to pacify or solve the conflict and will make sure it can be pacified so it will not be forwarded to the Barangay captain. In settling conflicts, it is their practice to call the atten- tion of the parties in conflict. Both are allowed to express their sentiments which are listened to and thoroughly considered. After weighing the reasons, the datu offers solutions or ver- dict. A guilty person has to pay a fine, usually a pig. The pig should be slaughtered and a cup of blood should be consumed by the guilty party as a sign of guilt. In cases of murder, it should be forwarded to the municipality or to the police. In cases of conflicts between Mamanwa and Bisaya, it is baran- gay chairman who will have the jurisdiction of the case. Col- lectively, the farm field of the Mamanwa such as one in Siba- hay is managed by the Dakula, which he subdivides among the community members. The same is practiced in Burgos and Hetaob , Manganlo and Lake Mainit. There are customary laws they observed like paying respect to civilians and mili- tary authorities and the laws of the land. They always provide an avenue in conducting the kahimonan at least four times in a year. They respect the hunting rights of other tribes. They respect personal property. They avoid stealing, each should offer suggestions on how to solve village problem. They re- spect the elders and parents. They respect everyone in the vil- lage. They share food and meat gathered from hunting with the rest in the community. They respect women and children. The Dakula maintain the peace of the place with the assistance of the Malaas. A guilty party will offer fines or Mangangade which is in a form of cash or property. In case there is a severe offense, the penalty will be a forced labor. Forced labor will be demanded by the relatives of the aggrieved party. The guilty party is also required to give a piece of land to the victim in cases of severe act of offense such as murder. The settlement will be done in the house of Dakula.
The political organization of the Mamanwas traditionally
is a band type according to Jocano, (1996). A band usually
consisted of 20-90 households. There is a loose tie in the band for there is no social stratification. The settlement or band is headed by a Dakula, equivalent to Manobo Chief or Datu. Though his authority is informal, he exercises tremendous influence of the settlement. Sanctions such as expelling from the band if there is a violation of tribal norms is seen as very effective.
Another practice of Ifugao people when they harvest rice,
as mentioned by Naganag (2013), the rice land owner butcher
a big cow or water buffalo and invite all the harvesters in the
community to harvest. Each one will be fed and each harvester will bring home slice of meat when they retire at the end of the day. The pieces of meat are being held together by a small
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sheet of bamboo. The size of a bundle is as big as a full-grown man’s three fingers held together.
If the bundle in the kaingin is bigger, it is as big as a man’s risk. The rice harvester will stick to their lane until the end of the day. There is no swapping or interchanging of positions or destination or station. Changing station will decrease the har- vest. The harvest is usually gathered before noon or lunch break. One will gather all the bundled rice and arrange them by path.
Habbiling (2008), harvest season calls for grandiose
thanksgiving feasts, while the concluding harvest rites "tungo"
or "tungul" (the day of rest) entail a strict taboo of any agricul- tural work. Partaking of the rice wine (bayah), rice cakes, and
'moma' (mixture of several herbs, powdered snail shell and betel nut/ are coline: and acts as a chewing gum to the Ifu- gaos. It is an indelible practice during the festivities and ritual
activities. After the bountiful harvest, the ifugao hold a ritual to mark the end of the harvest season. The “punnuk,” a post- harvest ritual, is performed by residents of some towns in Mountain Province, (Amores, 2014).
In addition, a day before the punnuk, a “houwah” (thanksgiving rite) is performed by the “mumbaki” (native
priest), along with the reading of the bile of a chicken for good omen, and the offering of “bayah” (rice wine) to the gods and deities. The next day, the punnuk is declared by a “dumu- pag,” a female agricultural leader who holds the social posi- tion and respect in the village. The punnuk is a thanksgiving ritual after a bountiful rice harvest. This signals that people can now be free to do other things that were earlier prohibited during the harvest ritual. For instance, no eating of fish or shells from the river, no eating of leafy vegetables from the terraces or planting in the gardens and other heavy manual tasks.
Hungduan children forge a bond by joining community
festivals and rituals tied to Ifugao province’s rice cycle. From
the rice terraces, a group of children, teenagers, adults and
elders lines up dressed in their native attire: The men in their
“wanoh” (loincloth) with their “pongot” (headdress) and the women in their “tolge” (native skirt). They carry the “dongla,” the principal sacred plant of Ifugao, and the “kina’ag” (a mon- key-like scarecrow made of rice stalks) in a procession heading to the nearby river. As they walk down through the terraces, the participants and spectators cheer and challenge each other to play the “guy yudan” (tug-of-war). The “pakid,” a long wooden pole with a hook, is pulled by each group from the opposite end. The players from each village are a mix of men and women, children and elders, with their bodies half-soaked and resisting the strong current of the river. They believed that the winners of the game would have a bountiful supply of rice, while the loser would experience scarcity throughout the year. The guyyudan is also regarded as a form of entertainment for residents as they celebrate the lifting of the prohibitions at the end of the harvest season. At the end of the guyyudan, villagers throw the kina’ag and then the dongla into the river to symbolize that all misfortunes, pests and sick- ness will be washed away.
Another practice by Manobo-Mamanwa is called hongod- god (Tomaquin, 2013). This ceremony is done when planting doma or root crops (camote, kalibre, karlang, ube, palaw, etc.) After clearing the kaingin/slush and burn farming,a nursing Mamanwa mother would institute the first planting. She should carry on her back the infant because it is believed that by doing so, harvest will be plentiful. Since Mamanwas be- lieved in the presence of Diyatot and Anitos, (part of the spirit world) who usually dwell in the balete and tuog trees, during their kaingin farming, these balete trees were spared. The saruk/tambajon/baylan should conduct a ritual so that the Diyatot and Anitos will not be angry of the kaingin. Moreo- ver, they believe that there are two types of anitos: the Mara- diyaw and Mataro (Good and bad). The good ones promote good harvest of the kaingin and kamotihan. The bad ones give illness or sickness.
The Manobo of Cotabato, as stated by De Jong (2010), the Samayaan is a native ritual in which omens are read in con- nection with the various stages of the farming cycle: clearing, planting, growing, and harvesting. The first day of the plant- ing season marks the beginning of the Manobo year, the last day of harvesting is the ending. Cultivating rice and corn has been and still is a part of the Manobo way of living, some Manobo villages have shifted to the cultivation of coconut for copra export. Corn and rice are planted in the month of Feb- ruary, the corn is harvested in July but rice takes longer to grow and is harvested four months later. When the trees start to bloom, the Manobo hunter will wait for the coming of the bees that will led him to their bee hives. The hunt for bees is the basis of the traditional bee-hunting dance. To pray for a successful hunt only bee hunters are allowed to sing a tradi- tional song titled Manganinay , this hymn is sung in honor of Panayangan, the god of the bee hunt. The song must be pro- claimed outside the house, singing it inside will cause the house to burn down.
Throughout the year, the elders of the Manobo tribe are
looking for the star-lit sky to determine the season of planting,
harvesting, fishing and hunting. Each star can bring a different message and will guide the tribal group in their traditional way of living. This practice is called Pamiteun, the Manobos' indigenous way of understanding the stars. Nowadays only the members of the older generation of farmers will continue to use the Pamiteun but they are passing the knowledge to the present generation, to learn the old way of living, keep their culture and traditions alive and deepen their consciousness about their own culture
The history of the past amused the present time and some of the practices still hold of the present. The Manobo came
from Mamanwas who were driven to hinterland until they reached to forestall area of Agusan through Agusan river. Other group of indigenous people have their own myths and practices like planting and harvesting, arts and literature, wedding, burials with corresponding rituals for they are the expression of their lives. Spiritual beliefs are the basis for tra- ditional Indigenous rituals and laws, and those beliefs and laws are demonstrated through ceremonies and rituals. Cere- monies are an important way for Indigenous people to com-
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municate with their spirits, and to learn the culture’s law. The spiritual life of traditional Indigenous people is based on the creation time, a time when Ancestral Beings brought the land to life, creating people and other living things.
There are still many rituals, beliefs and practices that in- digenous people both local and foreign practiced today not mentioned in this study. However, those mentioned practices supported that rituals are done to demonstrate that Agusan Manobo people believed in Supreme Being and that their fate has something to do about what they believed.
The purpose of this study was to describe, recognize, rec- ord and preserve the beliefs and practices of Agusan Manobo tribe from the viewpoints of the participants of the past and present generations. The intent was also to gain insight if the practices of Agusan Manobo tribe before can also be seen to- day as practiced by the members. It also tried to understand the strategies and ways used by them so that they can pass on their culture to the next generation, and also to determine what are the hopes and aspirations of the tribe.
As a coordinator of the Learning Resource Materials Development System (LRMDS), the information that will be derived from this study are useful guide in making learning materials to be used by the teachers who are teaching in the newly established schools in the different Indigenous People (IP) Communities in the province particularly for Agusan Manobo tribe as dominant indigenous group of Agusan del Sur. As the division in-charge of the district where the place of study is located I felt proud of being part of their community especially in the lives of their children.
As a school administrator in our division and as an educa- tor, the results of the study will help us devise plans and strat- egies to further the implementation of program and projects in our department across all schools and the Indigenous People are part of it which constitute 52 % of our students in the whole division, without prejudices to their culture, but that conform, preserve and protect their beliefs and practices. As an educator, I am with the cause that no child is left behind, for education is not only for the selected race but for all Filipi- nos regardless of colour and origin that includes the children of Agusan Manobo people.
4 The study used the purposive sampling since it is most effective technique when one needs to study a certain cul- tural background with the knowledgeable expert within. Selected respondents were highly important for this re- search, as people looked upon the knowledge and infor- mation. Choosing the purposive sample is fundamental to the quality of data gathered, thus, reliable and competent.
5 The study used seven key informants who were in-
volved in the study. The seven members whose ages
were 60 years old and above, all were respected datus of
the Agusan Manobo tribe. They were invited to constitute the “then” group for the focused group discussion. An-
other ten of mixed elderly and young ages selected for the interview and constituted the “now” group. The partici- pants were chosen as pure Manobo in blood and residents of the research setting.
The instruments used in this study were the interview and the interview guide validated by experts, tape recorder, camera and video camera. At first, the questions were made and sub- mitted to the adviser for refinement. Then the draft was shown to the panel of experts for validations and for further refinement. When the validity of the questions is established it will be administered to the participants and informants.
I went to the National Commission for Indigenous
People (NCIP) to seek advice about my study and gave me a background of the Manobo tribe. They recommended me the tribe and advised me then to write formally a letter of request so that they can assist in getting the data and they can also inform the concerned datu of my coming. I also asked permis- sion from the Supreme Datu of the municipality of Loreto of my intention of my research. I also obtained permission from the tribal leaders after introducing my research plan.
The approaches employed in gathering data were in- terviews, focused group discussion and field observation to
illicit information from the respondents. The issue of this re- search were the real life experiences of the respondents partic- ularly their culture, beliefs and practices. Aiming that each answers makes sense and I can give meaning to every social experience they have. My immersion with the tribe was based on casual conversations, taking notes of what had happened daily and there was a formal interviews.
Focused Group Discussion was conducted according
to procedures described by Krueger as cited in the work of
Opena (2011). There were seven datus participated in the FGD
and ten in the interview. During the discussion, I was the
moderator. I directed the flow of the discussion through the interview guide. I prepared also an interpreter so that those who cannot understand my language can understand it through their dialect. Since, they able to speak in bisayan lan- guage I set aside the interpreter to translate my questions to their language.
. The participants of the study were from Sitio
Kapda, Barangay Sabud, Loreto, Agusan del Sur, situated at
the boundary of the provinces of Compostela Valley and
Bukidnon. In the eastern part is also the Municipality of La
Paz, Agusan del Sur.
As participants arrived, I readied with a nametag to
be worn during the discussion and so that I can easily recog-
nized them. When participants were prepared, introduction
was made. I started with few brief welcome discussion and
overview of the topics and also the ground rules. Participants
were informed that conversations were recorded. The sample interview guide is attached in the Appendix. After the inter- view, the participants were given a chance to clear all their doubts by encouraging them to ask questions or clarifications on issues discussed earlier.
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The researcher must determine and find what data will contribute to his understanding and resolution of a given problem and collect the suitable and available data for that problem. In this study the collection of data was patterned to the five (5) steps given by Creswell (2008) which are as fol- lows; obtaining permission to conduct the study, selecting participants and cites purposefully to best understand the phenomenon, identifying data from various sources, adminis- tering and recording data using protocols, such as observa- tional and interview protocols, and administering the data collection in a manner sensitive to individuals and sites.
Another aspect of data collection is identifying the types of data that will address the research questions and sub ques- tions in the interview guide. For the purpose of obtaining the perspective of the participants and allowing them to share their views, research questions to be used must be less struc- tured and open-ended (Creswell, 2008). There are three open- ended research questions formulated for this study. Each re- search question has sub questions that serve as the guide dur- ing the face-to-face interview with each male student.
Moreover, Creswell reminded qualitative researchers of the field issues in administering data collection. He noted that
few of these issues are the need to adjust or change the form of data collection once the researchers enter the field, collection of data must be limited at the start of the study, one or two interviews at a period so as to budget the time needed for the remaining data to be collected, and the amount of energy and focus or concentration required to establish an ample data- base.
Merriam (1998) stated that there are three sources of data
in a multiple case study, namely, observations, interviews, and
documents. Data collections for this study were focused on
interviews and documents only.
The data analysis started as soon as the interview and fo- cused group discussion were done. However, beforehand plans are formulated so that information gathered were easily interpreted and analyzed. During the activity, translator of the language was prepared. However, it was found out that they speak also the bisayan language. It was decided later that the medium of conversation is bisayan language.
The conversation and observations were recorded us-
ing video tape recorder and audio recorder. It was also tran-
scribed in support of the records taken during the focused group discussion and interview.
Themes, coding, narrative analysis and analysis of re- sponses were employed by the study in analyzing the results.
The rituals conducted by the tribe are part of their culture. The culture of the tribe includes their beliefs, assumptions and values of the members of the tribe. These rituals will tell that Manobo people are religious and pious people. And the rituals are part and parcel of their beliefs. They do these rituals be- cause they believe in the spirits that protect them.
The families in the tribe are responsible of the preser- vation of their culture. They teach their children the values, rituals, beliefs, arts and culture. It is one of the strategies used by the tribe to continue their culture. The role of the datu as the leader of the tribe is also crucial in the cultural preserva- tion for he can command the tribe. The tribe will heed his call because he is the most respected person in the tribe.
The tribe longed for a school that will give education
to their children. They realized that only through education
their hope will be realized. They viewed education as an im-
portant tool to improve their situation by pursuing economic,
social and cultural development; it provides them with indi- vidual empowerment and self- determination. They under- stand it as a means for employment; it’s a way for socially marginalized people to raise themselves out of poverty.
The tribe expect that their culture will continue to exist,
despite of the strong influx of other culture. They wanted to preserve it by documenting their activities that in the future, their children can read what the Manobo culture is. They wanted also to preserve their land for their own race with the help of the government.
The focus of this qualitative case study was to obtain in- formation of the
lived experiences of the male student prostitutes that cre- ates a future dilemma to the academic institutions. Moreover, the study also understand the feelings and emotions to these male student prostitutes concerning the reasons and aspira- tions in turning to this kind of activities. The participants were from the different universities and colleges within Composte- la, Compostela Valley Province.
There were three research questions in this study. Each re-
search questions has subquestions that served as the guide for the in-depth interview. The first research question was about the experiences lived by the male student prostitutes. The se- cond research question dealt on the reasons of these students in turning to prostitution. The third concerned with the aspira- tions of these male student prostitutes as they are looking for their future.
Each participants were the time to answer the questions to
complete the profile of the in-depth interview participants.The
whole duration of the in-depth interview has been recorded.
The participants have been assured of the complete confiden-
tiality of the data gathered.
This chapter presents the summary of findings, conclu- sions and recommendations of the study.
The study was conducted to describe, document and preserve the cultural practices of the Agusan Manobo tribe living in Sitio Kapda, Sabud, Loreto, Agusan del Sur. The ethnographic research method was used in this study with seven participants in Focused Group Discussion and 10 partic- ipants in interview who eagerly and sufficiently shared their practices. In the interview they are randomly selected while in
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focused group discussion the datu around the area were invit- ed. After I secured permission from the concerned persons and agency and with the help of LGU I proceeded to the re- search area.
Specifically, this study sought to answer the following questions:
What are the past and present practices of Manobo tribe? What strategies used by Manobo tribe to preserve their
culture?
What are the hopes and aspirations of Manobo tribe?
After the study, the following summary of findings was
drawn out:
The past and present practices of Manobo tribe are the fol- lowing:
Rituals. The rituals of Manobo tribe are based on partici- pation and purposes. There are two types’ of rituals among the Manobo tribe. The public and private rituals. The public ritual is of community interest and the examples are the har- vesting and planting called the taephag, the ritual of epidemic diseases called sundo and the initiation of a new baylan, suyad buya. They are usually led by the tribe priest. The pri- vate rituals are arranged by individual for himself or any member of his family. The examples of this rituals are the ta- gun-on tu bata (birth), sugnod (death) and sugudun (hunting and fishing). The ritual sinuyad is a welcome or acceptance dance in honor of the diwata who comes and identifies itself through the baylans’ chant. The purpose of this ritual is to admit the diwata into the baylan.
According to Montilla-Burton (1985), there are two types of priest: the baylan and the bagani. The diwata is said to communicate with human beings through the baylan whom they possess. The manifestation of such possession are sweat- ing, belching, having spasm, foaming at the mouth and falling into trance. The baylan officiates in rituals involving the eve- ryday affairs of the people. Before, the bagani priests are con- sidered war priest because they manifested the same signs of possession, were induced by gods tagbusau to declare war and performed rituals in honor of their war gods with the use of their paraphernalia similar to baylan’s, except the betel nut offering. But now, it is only the baylan who is called in the tribe to .
Furthermore, there are two most important things used in rituals, they are betel quid and the blood of sacrificial pig or chicken, believed to be the diwata’s food and drink. The blood offering is the central point of every ritual. A lance or bolo is thrust into the sacrificial victim and a bowl catches the blood and some of which is smeared on the altar and on the partici- pants. In the ritual where the baylan is possessed, the blood of the sacrificial victim is either sucked from the wound or caught in the bowl from which the baylan drinks.
Generally, a ritual is divided into three stages: the first stage is the inapogan or panawagtawag (invocations) which begins with the baylan inviting the diwata to chew betel quid. In curing ritual, the baylan is possessed by her abyan. Ocas- sionally, the baylan breaks into a dance or an ecstatic seizure in between parts of the invocation. In rituals such as taephag, the baylan is not possessed.
In second stage, the sacrificial victim, which is either a pig
or chicken, is killed with a bolo or a spear. The blood is caught in a bowl and smeared on the altar and the central partici- pants. Sometimes, the baylan, in a trance, drinks the blood.
The third stage, the hakyad, is the invitation for the diwa- ta to partake of the food offering of cooked rice, meat and eggs. Then the baylan pours a glass of water around the altar. This is believed to be drunk by the diwata.
Moreover, religious ceremonies make use of wooden trays, tables, platforms, and sections of bamboo poles. The bangkaso is a rectangular wooden tray decorated with palm fronds and with incised, traced, or carved designs. The talidung is a sacrificial stand, consisting of a wooden disk standing on one leg. Offerings of betel nut, rice, meat, and others are laid on it. The angka/angkaw is a sacrificial table, its top consisting of split bamboo bands laid side by side, with narrow gaps in between. Palm fronds arch over each side of the table and more palm fronds hang down like tassels from the edges. On top is laid the sacrificial victim or the ritual of- ferings of 6 china plates of uncooked rice and betel quid, 2 glasses of water, 6 candles, and 6 raw eggs Montillo-Burton (1985).
Beliefs in Spirits of Divine Being. The lives of the Mano- bo tribe revolved always in the belief that unseen spirits are interfering the activities of humans. They believed that spirits can speak to them through the medium which is the baylan. Unseen spirits are both good and evil and can be evoked to anger and also to pleasure. Members of the tribe can call upon their spirits as helpers, intermediaries between people and power and as teacher. Acquiring and maintaining right rela- tionship with this aspect of the spirit world can constitute a sacred partnership, Baum (1999).
The Agusan Manobo are polytheistic, although they seem to acknowledge Magbabaja, the Creator as their supreme dei- ty. The Magbabaja’s messengers are diwata, invincible and powerful lesser gods who can possess human beings, especial- ly the baylan and the bagani, through whom they communi- cate with ordinary human beings. The diwata can be classified as non-chanting or chanting diwata. Based on their abodes, they may be classified as celestial or terrestrial. Based on their functions and relation to human affairs. Montillo-Burton (1985).
Moreover, an example of a non-chanting celestial diwata is “Inadyaw”, who dwells on a lakeshore in heaven. He is the god of thunderbolt, lightning, wind, rain and storm. He pun- ishes breaker of taboos. “Libtakan” is the god of sunrise, sun- set and good weather. “Tutudoman” or chanting diwata communicate through the baylan, who chants their messages when is possessed. The tagbusau are the diwata of bloodshed and revenge and in the past, used to incite the “bagani” to wage war in order to appease their craving for human blood. The” pana-iyang” cause ordinary persons to run amuck, kill- ing everyone in their path. Agricultural diwata are Taephagan, Hakyadan and Tagamaling. Taephagan is the goddess who guards the rice granary; Hakyadan is the goddess of rice in its stages of growth from sowing to harvesting; Tagamaling is the god of other crops. The diwata of freshwater are called “yamud”, with human body and a fish tail. They guard the fish and hide in rocky places or in deep pools in rivers, lakes
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and streams and they cause people to drown. The diwata that functions in human affairs are Mandait and Manaug. Mandait is the diwata who gives every newborn its soul. Tagabayau is a goddess who incites to incestuous love and marriage; Agkui is semi- diwata who incites lust and incest. Tutud-omon or chanting diwata communicate through a baylan, who chants their messages when she or he is possessed. In the curing ritu- als, they are the abyan (helpers of the baylan). Diwata of the forest and the hunt are the tagbanua and the spirits Taebobong, Sandigan and Sugudon. The tagbanua, producers of rain must be given ritual offering before hunting expedi- tions and other forest occupations. They dwell in balete or lawaan trees which no one must disturbed or point at. To do the latter will cause a person’s arm to wither. The three other gods are the guardians of wild animals and hunting dogs, who must likewise be propitiate before a hunting trip so as to prevent illness in the hunter’s family. The goddess of Mai- buyan, the afterworld, is Ibu. Maibuyan is reached through a river on a boat ferried by Manduyapit.
According to Buenconsejo (2002), some of the spirits to whom the Manobo tribe believed are the following: the maka- bentasay is a spirits that sticks to the person’s body in order to trigger hunger. The Agkey and Tagabayew are nature spirits believed to be the cause of lust and flirtation behavior. Agkew is imagined to live in the balete and is a flamboyant spirit. Ta- gabayew is a diety who lived in streams and rivers. Tagbusew is a generic term for evil, bloodthirsty spirits that stick to the person and are responsible for their passion of anger. The an- tidote to dispossess such person in rage is throwing cold water in them. Mana-ug is the spirit responsible for curing ailments related to eye defects and vision and hence the mind. Sogujen is the spirit of the game to be hunted. It is the spirit which guides the hunter or his dog in spotting the game in the forest. Tagamaling is a spirit which owned the planted crops. Iba- basuk is a spirit deity of planting. Dagaw is the spirit owner of the rat which eats unharvested rice grain. This spirit resides under the ground and if offered the black chicken is believed to bind the spirit of the rat.
Marriage. Betrothal is traditionally arranged by parent years before the children
marry, because negotiations sometimes last over a num- ber of years. Usually the first presents given to the girl’s father is a spear or knife. On the second day is the pig, spears, bolo, daggers, plates and jars are presented to the girl’s family. The end of giving is marked by a great feast, in which the man’s family gives the last set of gifts. Finally, the girl’s parents in return give a feast, in which they return to the boy’s parents half of all the gifts that passed from father to father. The mar- riage ceremony of the tribe is held when the girl reaches pu- berty and the boy is 18 years old. The bride and groom, seated on mat, exchange a handful of rice. They then transfer the rice from their right to their left hand seven times while proclaim- ing their marriage. The guest then burst into much shouting and laughing, naughtily shouting sexual innuendos at the newlyweds. The female baylan then reads omens on seven betel quid.
De leon (2014), noted that among the tribe after mar- riage they will stay in the house of the bride however as if
their family grows they build their own house close to the parents of either one.
Furthermore, although polygyny is allowed, it is practiced only by those who can afford it. The first wife must give her consent, and she retains her position as head wife. When the husband dies, his family can choose a new spouse for his wid- ow, who commands a lower bride price than the first time.
Burying the Dead. Manobo tribe practiced that if a person dies, the body is washed and dressed in its best clothes. Burial takes place within a day, for decomposition is avoided. The body is laid in a coffin hollowed-out log, cut lengthwise in half for the main part of the lid. Each half is three faced so that the covered coffin is hexagonal.
According to Montillo-Burton (1985), the brief vigil begins with the baylan placing a betel-nut offering beside the coffin. The mourners address the dead, extending an invitation for both the deceased and all the inhabitants of Ibu, the after- world, to attend the death feast. As the coffin is carried into the forest to be buried, there is much wailing and shouting, partly in mourning, partly to keep evil spirits away. A thatched roof is set above the grave and a pot of rice with hole at the bottom is hung up under the roof. If the dead is male, he is buried facing the east, if woman, she is buried facing the west.
Moreover, before entering the house after the burial, the mourners purify themselves with a mixture of water and herbs contained in a coconut-shell cup set by the doorway. Then the baylan presides over the death feast. A winnow con- taining cooked rice and bananas is placed on the floor of the house. A banquet is laid around the winnow. The mourners sit in a circle and place their betel-nut offering on the winnow as they implore the deceased not to haunt the living. The head of the family takes the handful of rice and shapes it into a human figure. As this figure is passed from one person to the next each one takes a nip. Meanwhile, the spirits of the dead are invited to partake of the feast. After the meal, the contents of the rice winnow are tossed into the air and everyone hastily falls back to avoid being touched by the food offering. Then there is dancing to the sound of the drum, gong and chanting of the baylan.
Healing. In curing ritual, called binuya, there are pre- paratory rituals called sinaliling and sinuyad. The sinaliling is the ritual offering a chicken and raw eggs, place on the angkaw, a bamboo raft suspended in the house. The baylan implore the spirits to transfer the patient’s illness to the chick- en and eggs. Again, according to Montilla-Burton (1985) again, a promise is made to grant the spirits’ wishes, as long as it is humanly possible. Illness is believe to be caused by evil spirits. When an epidemics occurs, a small raft full of food offerings is floated down the river to appease the water demons. It is be- lieved also that a person with certain mystic powers can harm an offender through the kometan. For example a prolonged sickness and eventual death results if one eats food that has been mixed with a certain part of a bamboo or with woman’s blood exposed to the sun and to the moonlight, then mixed with human hair.
Justice System. The Manobo tribe preferred their tra- ditional way of justice system than the recent government ba-
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rangay system. According again to Montilla –Burton (1985), Manobo tribe was a warrior society in which revenge was considered a religious act. Therefore, custom law based on the right of revenge, usually committed as a ritual act. Revenge by killing was allowed for the following crimes: adultery, for- nication, rape and homicide. If one could not avenge himself on the culprit, he had the right to declare a vendetta on a cul- prit’s relative. All other crimes were settled by the imposition of fines. Custom law upheld respect for one’s person and property. Crimes like theft or nonpayment of debts, testimony and arbitration were combined with a trial by ordeal such as the plunging of the accused person’s hands into boiling water, diving in water or placing one’s hands over a candle. Inno- cence was proven if one came out of the ordeal unscathed, Baum (1999).
Furthermore, customary laws has two components: personal law and territorial law. Personal law includes aspects related to social, cultural, language, spiritual, traditional, economy, property and others. Territorial law refers to land, natural resources, soil and sub-soil. Customary law apply to individuals, as well as to persons in a community. The nature of a case determines the law that will be used, as well as the body that has jurisdiction. The identity of the institution that has the authority to implement and resolve problems regard- ing territory and community depends on the nature of the cases. The Manobo tribe concept of Indigenous justice system is to maintain harmony among members of the community and is based on the principles of collective indemnity and communal solidarity. Fines and compensations are meted out to provide wrongdoers an opportunity to ask forgiveness from the aggrieved party and the whole community and to redress part of the injury suffered by aggrieved party.
However, the indigenous justice systems are not ad- versarial, unlike some mainstream systems, wherein the adju- dicators are meant to act as neutral umpires in a dispute be- tween two protagonists and decide which of the two is at fault. In contrast, indigenous system seek not so much to iden- tify the defaulter and punish him or her (unless deemed nec- essary) but to reconcile the disputing parties with each other and with the rest of society.
Choosing a Leader. Each Manobo community consist of a clan ranging from 20 to 200 members who are headed by a datu. The term datu and bagani are synonymous. The bagani or datu was choosen to be the headman of the community. According again to Montilla –Burton (1985), a banquet is held by the chiefs of neighboring settlements indicated their recog- nition of him as the chief of his settlement.
At present, the Manobo tribe datuship is not hereditary. It is the consensus of everybody chosing a leader democratically. Anybody in the tribe can be a datu. He can be belonging to the warrior class, even the commoner or slave could aim high up the ladder to become a datu, Enkiwe-Abayao (2003). Moreo- ver, certain characteristics of datuship were as follows: quick- witted, adept in public speaking, well versed in customary laws, able to chant prayers and legends, established a reputa- tion as judge or mediator. The leadership of the tribe depends on their culture. But the qualities of being a leader remains an inevitable qualification.
Moreover, the tribe do not only choose a datu to settle disputes but also he is part of political aspects of the life of Manobo tribe which are often integrated with the social as- pects. For example, many social events, such as weddings, require political leaders. Whenever there is a negotiation for marriage, both the bride and the groom must use the local datu to make all of the arrangements.
The strategies done by Manobo tribe to preserve their cul- ture are the
following:
Oral tradition. Long before, the greatest asset of human
societies was its tradition and culture by which it was able to
maintain a continuity of its existence across multiple genera- tions. The knowledge of these was preserved and passed on from one generation to the next by way of mouth, in informal settings, a process often known as oral traditions. According
to Hooper (2002), oral tradition is a virtual depository and reservoir of all knowledge and memories. They includes all forms of descriptions, facts, wisdom, and stories about them- selves, their ancestors, near and far lands and the world around.
The Agusan Manobo has the following Oral traditions: Myths: They said that the ocean water go in and out of the
pusod dagat, the navel of the sea, which is an enormous hole near the edge of the earth. This is what causes the high and low tides.
The rainbow appears when the umli (celestial god) are at war. Dark color indicates slaughter on the devine battlefield; predominantly red band indicates that the war gods are en- gaged in a hand-to-hand combat.
Thunder and lightning occur when the god Anit is an- gered by people’s derisive behavior towards wild animals. The lightning is his tongue, which he flecks at the culprit.
When an eclipse occurs they say that a giant tarantula is devouring the moon. Much commotion then ensues because the men try to drive the tarantula away by rushing out of their houses, shooting arrows at the spider, beating tin cans and tree trunks, playing their bamboo instruments while dancing frenziedly and shouting at the spider. The women stick nee- dles in the wall of the house in the direction of the moon.
Legends. Montilla-Burton (1985) cited from Agusan Manobo, the legendary giant because of his extraordinary strength as Dubau, who when he journeyed up the Agusan River on a bamboo raft, had to warn the people to protect their rice fields from the mighty waves that he would cause. He used the trunk of a palma brava tree for a pole. His equally strong sister could throw bunch of bananas to him on the next hill.
Moreover, there was a legend that explains the origin of the stars, sunset and sunrise. The Sun and the Moon were once happily married and they had two children. One day while the children were napping, the Moon decided to go out to gather food. She bade her husband to keep away from the children as he would singe them with his intense heat. While she was gone, the Sun, in his fondness for the children, kissed them and they melted. When the Moon came home, she scold- ed him so that he finally threw taro leaves in her face and left. He soon softened, but when he came back, the Moon was
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gone. Since the Sun has followed the Moon who eternally flees him, her face still scarred by the taro leaves. And so go the Sun and Moon, round and round the earth. The stars follow her, and when once in a while a shooting star flies her away, it is the Sun’s messenger with his plea for her return to him.
Tale. The story of ikugan (tailed man) seems to have his- torical basis as it may be interpreted to be the Muslim invasion in Mindanao in the late 14th century. According to the tale, Agusan valley was invaded by the Tidung people. The men had tails like dagger and the women like adze. After 14 years of atrocities and killings, the Manobo disappeared from the valley because they had all either fled or been killed. There was one woman left because she had hidden in the runo reeds of Argawan ( or Umayam) River. She continued about her daily business, gathering food and weaving to keep herself busy. One day she found a pigeon’s egg in her weaving basket but she soon forgot all about it and so one day it hatched a baby girl. The woman raised the girl as her own daughter. One day the Manobo scouting party came upon the woman and the beautiful girl. The chief bagani asked for her hand, and the foster mother consented on the condition that he place a married couple upon every river in the valley. Thus was Agusan Valley repopulated.
Dances: The Agusan Manobo do not traditionally engage in group dancing for they dance only one or two at a time. Obusan (1991), cited that for dancing, both men and women wear the malong and their most elaborately embroidered umpak. Each hand holds a tubao (kerchief) by the corner. The women wear brass and anklets to add to the lisag (dance mu- sic). Instead of the tubao, palm fronds are held by the baylan and bagani for their religious dance. Moreover, several dances can be seen in the tribe:
Sinundo or Singangga is a dance ritual to ward off epi- demic busau. It is held at the sunset. When the busau are be- lieved to travel up the river, the ceremony is held at a selected river bank. If it is believed to travelled by land or air, the cer- emonial area is the baylan’s backyard.
The pangaliyag is a courtship dance in which the tatamisa
(lad) is expected to choose his love partner. It is usually dance
during the ceremony attended by the clan and invited guest.
Conflict may arise when another suitor join in the dance.
Sometimes the dance is develops into the sinaet, war dance, at
which only the bravest and the strongest suitor is left dancing.
The dance paraphernalia are shields, spears and bolos.
The kinugsik-kugsik or squirrel dance. It mimes the mat-
ing dance of three squirrels-two males competing for one fe-
male.
The apian dance presents a man gathering honey from
bee’s nest. He mimes the operations, getting his materials to- gether, making torch, lighting it and climbing the tree.
The bathing dance, it is performed by a man who pre- tends to be an overly modest woman who cautiously disrob- ing besides the stream. He start from one end of the dancing area apparently for woman’s house and pretends to carry up- on his shoulder a heavy object, a bamboo tube for gathering water. Then he walks with feminine gait towards the stream while casting glances around him. He pretends to drink from the stream, then disrobes with exaggerate cautiousness and
proceed to bathe. There are interruptions that represent threats to a woman modesty. Finally, fearful of the approach of a man, he finishes his bath with appropriate gestures, put on his drees and leaves the stream, pretending to carry his bamboo of water.
Depilation dance which shows a man plucking out of his body hairs. He contorts his face in pretended pain and con- stantly glances around him in pretended fear of being seen.
A sexual dance that ends in a simulated sexual inter- course. The man stealthily enters the lady’s house and walks toward her sleeping figure which is represented by a piece of bamboo. He advances and retreats, circles, hesitates with a hand to the ear and so on, until he finally fulfills his desire to a woman.
The dagger or sword dance presents a fight between two men, who brandish either Mandaya dagger or war bolos at each other. There are appropriate flourishes, parries, lunges, foils, advances and retreats.
The saet or war dance is a spectacular war dance. It is per- formed by one or two men holding either a spear or war bolo and a shield. The men wear the bagani’s red garments and accessories, including the hat and tangkulo (handkerchief). The music is provided by a drum, which is beaten by both ends simultaneously by two players so that the music is a con- tinuous roll. The feet and the head movement resemble those of a fighting cock. The two men charge and retreat, shadow and engage each other, now over, now at the side of their shield, while their tongue flicker in out like snakes. Occasion- ally they fall to the ground on one leg while constantly mov- ing their heads and spears rapidly behind the shield. Each holds a spear pointed at the other and this is thrust forward rapidly. Shoulder move up and down in rhythm with the drum. The dance takes only for five minutes.
Performing Arts. Agusanon Manobo songs as described by Montilla-Burton (1985) are chanted in a style called gugud, which is semi declamatory, with long slurs, a recurring series of staccatos, and abrupt endings. It is sung solo, and can be performed either for religious or secular purposes. Even war songs are chanted in the gugud style, the difference being that they are delivered more loudly and rapidly. The musical nar- rative is the dasang. The songs are improvisations, with fre- quent repetitions of the same ideas in different words. The religious gugud is believed to be taught by the tutudu-mon no diwata. It is the diwata’s way of communicating with human beings through the baylan. Hence, it too is extemporaneous. In addition to songs, there are musical instruments used only for religious purposes are the gimbae (drum), which is made locally, and the agung (gong), which is purchased from the Visayans. They are always kept in the baylan’s house. The gimbae is made of a hollowed-out trunk of a palm tree, with both ends covered with a piece of animal hide, e.g., deer, monkey, lizard, or dog. It is played on either end with the hand. It is said that the people can recognize and name 20 to
50 different rhythms played on the drum. Generally the left hand plays the regular beat, while the right hand improvises in rhythm with the left. Some drum tunes are: sinakaisakay, “like the movement of a raft or canoe”; kumbakumba to usa, “like the sporting of a deer”; kinampilan, “like the flourishing
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ofthe kampilan sword”; and minandaya, derived from a Man- daya rhythm. The gimbae is played to accompany religious and secular dances, to sound an alarm, or to call to an absent one. The agung is always played with the gimbae. Triangles decorate the face of the agung. The agung is beaten on the knob at the center with a piece of wood. It is played in rhythm with that played by the drummer’s left hand. All the other instruments are played at any occasion. The bamboo instru- ments are three types of flute, four types of guitars, a violin, and a jew’s harp. The strings are of vine, bamboo, or abaca fiber. The three types of flute are the paundag, to-ali, and sa- bai. A fourth, called lantui. The most common flute is the paundag, which is a bamboo section 1 meter long. It has one hole at the end of one side and four holes evenly distributed on the other side. It is played while held in a vertical position. The to-ali is a shorter and higher-pitched variety of the paundag flute. The sabai has a thin bamboo piece, 2 centime- ters long,which is loosely attached over the hole near the end where the lips are placed. This is struck while the player blows on the flute. When it is played, it is held in a horizontal position, and has a lower pitch. There are two types of vine- string guitars: the kudlung, which is smaller, and binijaan, which is bigger. The neck, fingerboard, and boat-shaped body are all of one piece.The head curves like a scroll, and is carved to represent a rooster’s head. Each guitar has two strings made of the inner part of the bislig vine. A bamboo string guitar is the tanko, made out of one section of a large variety of bamboo. It has two bass stringsand three treble strings.
The takumbo is one section of bamboo with the joint at ei- ther end. The joint partition of one end is removed so that it is cut straight through, while the other end is cut like a gaping crocodile’s mouth or a bishop’s miter. Two strings are created by lifting strips from the surface of the bamboo and held up by wooden pegs wedged underneath. This pair of strings is beat- en with a little bamboo stick in time with the gimbae. A hole in the center increases the resonance. The violin has a hol- lowed out coconut shell for its body. The bow is a long bam- boo stick bent while it is still fresh and pliable. The bowstring has two strings consisting of several abaca fibers attached to the ends of the bow. The kubing is a bamboo jew’s harp; its sound is produced by a 6-centimeter strip that is partially cut from the middle of a thin and narrow piece of bamboo. One end is held in the mouth with one hand while a finger of the other hand taps it to make the strip vibrate. Some jew’s harps have a spike protruding at one end, and this is tapped to pro- duce the vibrating sound. Bamboo stampers are large bamboo sections with one joint partition removed. It is held vertically, with the open end up, and stamped on the floor in rhythm with the drum and gong. Bamboo sounders are attached to weaving looms to create rhythmic sounds as the weaver works.
Literary Arts. The Agusanon Manobo have the following proverbs, which use images from nature to highlight a truth:
Anoy man tu karabaw nu upat tu kubong di paka hidjas.
If a carabao with its four feet makes a wrong step, how much more a man?
Bisan bato nu bantilis mai duon panahon nu ug
kahilis gihapon.
The hardest stone is eroded by constant
dropping of water.
Tu buhi angod tu atoijog. Basta nwbuong on
kunad ug kaulin.
A woman is like an egg. Once it is broken,
it can never be repaired.
Epic. Uwaeging the oral epic of Agusan Manobo. It is an
extremely sacred feature of Manobo heritage that embodies
their cultural roots and identity. It reveals the beginnings and
workings of the socio-religious function of the leader, his re-
ciprocal relationship with the spirits, the significance and be-
lief in the power and force of the venerated heirloom and the subsequent succession of leaders. It is considered as the oral history of their tribe with a mythic and historical base. It traces their migration from central Mindanao to the eastern Minda-
nao to escape the injustices of Spaniards and their subsequent voyage on land, swamp, sea and ocean in search of new land, Cembrano (2013).
Witnessing. The role of the family in teaching their cul- tures to the young children are employed by the tribe to with- stand their cultural extinction. The wisdom passed down from generation to generation has a central place in many cultures where the extended family has traditionally played a major role in child rearing. There is a strong evidence that maintain- ing family culture has a strong effect on children’s social and emotional development. In addition, children with a strong base in the language and culture of their families receive the intergenerational wisdom that loving families pass down to them through songs, story, music, art, drama and so on.
When language along with cultural wisdom and pride are no longer passed down to the next generation, children and our society as a whole lose something. The richly diverse cul- tural and familial traditions of our own country and the inter- generational wisdom that is embedded in them are all being lost. When language and culture are preserved and children learn pride in who they are and respect for one another, the collaborative wisdom of our nation’s diverse cultures will help us solve problems together for generations to come.
Tomaquin (2013) cited that Manobo typical family struc- ture is composed of mother and father and the children. The father defends the family and his primary duty is the security. He is also the warrior of the tribe. The mother works in the farm and do the household chores. She teaches also the young children about their culture, the songs, dances and even sto- ries of before. Today, the typical picture of family remains but the role of the father is somewhat added from being the sole defender of the family to a provider. Moreover, this is because they see it from the migrant practices and also as it is brought by time and economic needs of the family.
The unity of the tribe. The strength and unity of the tribe are seen through their social structure. De leon (2014) cited that the traditional social structure consists of the bagani, baylan, commoner, and slave. The bagani class, now gone, defended the community and went to battle. The baylan, still exist today, are male or female priests and healers. They read dreams and omens, foretell the future, and heal the sick with herbal medicine and elaborate mystic rites, during which they
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are invariably possessed by the diwata (spirits). Their powers are either inherited or conferred upon them by the spirits. To- day there are no more slaves. Presently, the barangay system is introduced by the government to the tribe posing to replace their social structure.
Faith in the Tribe. The tribe survived through the test of time. Most of the members still believed that their culture will not vanished. They think that there are still ways to preserved them. One way is performing public rituals together. During “maghinang” the tribe unites in worshiping the “Mambabaja”. Unity in faith and in cultural practices lead by the baylan re- tains identity of the tribe. Manobo tribe are pious people demonstrated in the respect of the practices and of the elders of the tribe. This character is a potent factor possessed by the tribe to carry orally their traditions to the new generations.
The hopes and aspiration of Manobo tribe are: Preservation of their land and abode. The Manobo tribe
needs a place where they are free to perform their rituals and practice their beliefs. Republic Act 8371 of 1997 stated that Indigenous people have the right to stay in their territory and not removed therefrom. They will not be relocated without their free and prior informed consent, nor through any means other than eminent domain. In of case of displacement as a result of natural catastrophes, the state shall endeavor to reset- tle the displaced IP in areas where they can have a temporary life support system and they have the right to return to their abandoned land until such time that normalcy and safety of such land is determined.
Indigenous Education. The Manobo tribe longed for education. They wanted that their children can come to school and have education. They even dream that their children will get a degree in college so that they will lead their tribe in the future. Many indigenous people view education as an im- portant tool to improve their situation by pursuing economic, social and cultural development; it provides them with indi- vidual empowerment and self-determination, Duane (2009). As of the present, a specially-designed curriculum for mem- bers of indigenous cultural communities is now being offered by the DepEd as it takes a vital step in realizing its ”Education for all” program. Developed in coordination with the National Commission on Indigenous peoples (IP), the Alternative Learning System curriculum for Indigenous people Education was also validated by leaders of IP communities.
The growing recognition and use of indigenous edu- cation methods can be a response to the erosion and loss of indigenous knowledge. Indigenous communities are able to reclaim and revalue their languages and traditions and in do- ing, improve the educational success of indigenous students, thus ensuring their survival as a culture, Aikman, S and May S (2003).
DepEd Order Number 62 s. 2011, known as National Indigenous Peoples Education Policy framework states that it shall be the policy of the Department to maintain an education system that will recognize, protect and promote the rights and welfare of Indigenous people as well as equip them with the knowledge and skills needed to face various social realities and challenges. IP education interventions are to be developed and implemented in consultation and cooperation with IPs
concerned in order to address and incorporate their special needs, histories, identities, languages, knowledge and other aspects of their culture as well as their social, economic and cultural priorities and aspirations. Moreover, the objectives of the curriculum is for IPs to improve communication skills, problem-solving and critical thinking abilities as well as de- velop a stronger sense of community. Other topics include ecological and sustainable economics and expanding their world. The curriculum was specially written to be culture sen- sitive with the end view of helping them become functionally literate and be net contributor to our society.
A place in history. The Manobo tribe wanted to preserve their culture through record. One of the recommendations of Asian Indigenous People Forum (AIPF 2011) is to refrain from codifying customary law, but to formalize it through docu- mentation efforts. The Manobo tribe knew that they are grad- ually proselyted by the culture of the migrants because of their strong influx to the community. The government political sys- tem is also gradually introduced and adopted in the commu- nity. This interface gradually set aside the old traditional method that for a long time practiced by the tribe. However, the tribe believed their cultural practices can be remembered and its authenticity remains in the memories of the present generation through documenting and recording it, Tenio (2003).
Manobo cultural practices are still rich and authentic alt- hough the acculturation is remarkable among the young. Basic government services like health, education, civil were provid- ed by the government that also gradually replace their cultural system. Members of the tribe seldom settle their disputes in the barangay system but rather in the laws of their tribe, it indicates that they still prefer their own system. Their knowledge in survival and in disaster risk management are very unique. They able to survived in their abode even in scarcity of foods and posing danger of environment. And their knowledge in traditional medicines that has scientific basis like the use of plants and other herbs are very effective. These are only few areas to offer that the tribe is a good venue and source of indigenous knowledge.
This study may help future researches by providing basic information of the cultural practices of the Manobo tribe. It gives them also ideas in terms of the traditional strategies on how to preserve the culture of a certain group of people.
Based on the conclusion made, the following recommen- dations are:
The government shall establish a school whose curricu- lum fits the need of the tribe. Their land should be preserved and also their natural resources for the coming generations. The barangay administrative system that covered the Manobo tribe will uphold their traditional method and will always respect matters especially in settlement of disputes and cul- tural practices. The local government unit through the baran-
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gay system will give seat for local minorities especially in leg- islative matters so that needs of these people will not be over- looked. Participation through indigenous Advisory Bodies, to make decisions on matters that are important to indigenous people such as resources and cultural integrity.
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